MARCH 13, 1796: Went as usual to the opera. Serment de la liberte. The scene represented the Champs de mars, on the day of the confederation. As usual, the spectacle all military. In the procession, was a band of young men in regimentals, but without arms. At a particular verse of the hymn, which was chanted before the altar of liberty, they approached the grenadiers, who were under arms, and received from them their firelocks, which they shouldered, and took their places in the line; several evolutions, and the manual exercise, was then performed by the whole body, for, as I have already remarked, these are the ballets of the French nation at present. At the conclusion, a band of beautiful young women, equal in number to the young men, entered, carrying drawn sabres in their hands, and ranged themselves on one side of the stage; the young men being drawn up in a line on the other. Each of the youths advanced in his turn to the centre of the stage; when he was met by his mistress, who presented him with his sabre, and returned it to the scabbard; they then fell back into their places, and were succeed by the next pair, until they had all received their arms, and saluted their mistresses. The whole then joined in a grand chorus, and the soldiery filed off as for the frontiers, the women being placed on an eminence to view them as they passed. I do not know what Mr Burke may think, but I humbly conceive from the effect all this had on the audience, that the age of chivalry is not gone in France. I can imagine nothing more suited to strike the imagination of a young Frenchman, than such a spectacle as this, and indeed, though I am no Frenchman, nor at present over and above young, it effected me extremely. I am sure nothing on earth has such an influence on me, as my wife’s opinion; every action of my life has a reference more or less to that, and in the very business I am now engaged in, if I succeed, I look for, and shall find the reward dearest my heart, in her commendation. It is inconceivable, (I lie, I lie, it is not at all inconceivable) the effect which the admiration or contempt of a woman has on the spirit of a man. Hector, when he is balancing in his mind, whether he shall stand or fly before Achilles, is determined by the consideration of what the Trojan ladies will say of him. "Troy’s proud dames, whose garments sweep the ground." From which I infer that human nature is pretty much now what it was 3,000 years ago, and that Homer knew it well, so did Shakespeare, and so did Fielding, who has hit off the same point admirably, when Lady Bellaston is working upon Lord Fellamar. To return, I owe so much to my wife for her incomparable behaviour on ten thousand different occasions, that I feel myself bound irresistibly to make every effort to place her and her dear little babies in a situation in some degree worthy of her merit, and suitable to my sense of it. I am not without ambition or vanity God knows; I love fame, and I suppose I should like power, but I declare here most solemnly, that I prefer my wife’s commendations to those of the whole world. Well, if I succeed here, I shall stand on high ground, and I must be allowed to say, I shall deserve it, and then she will be proud of me, as I am of her, and with that sentiment, I conclude this day’s journal.
MARCH 14, 1796: Went this day to the Luxembourg; I have the luck of going on the days that Carnot gives audience, and of course is mot occupied; waited, however, to the last, when only one person remained besides myself. Carnot then called me over, and said "here is almost a countryman of yours, who speaks English perfectly. He has the confidence of Government; go with him and explain yourself without reserve." I did not much like this referring me over; however, there was no remedy; so I made my bow, and followed my new lover to his hotel. He told me on the way that he was General Clarke; that his father was an Irishman; that he had himself been in Ireland, and had many relations in that country; he added, (God forgive him if he exaggerated,) that all the military arrangements of the Republic passed through his hands, and in short, gave me to understand that he was at the head of the War Department. By this time, we arrived at the hotel where he kept his bureau, and I observed in passing through the office to his cabinet, and immense number of boxes labelled, Armée du Nord, Armée des Pyrenées, Armée du Rhin, &c. &c. so that I was pretty well satisfied that I was in the right track. When we entered the cabinet, I told him in three words, who and what I was, and then proceeded to detail, at considerable length, all I knew on the state of Ireland, which, as it is substantially contained in my two memorials, to which I referred him, I need not here recapitulate. This took up a considerable time, I suppose an hour an a half. He then began to interrogate me on some of the heads, in a manner which showed me that he was utterly unacquainted with the present state of affairs in Ireland, and particularly with the great internal changes which have taken place there within the last three or four years, which, however, is no impeachment of his judgement or talents; there were, however, other points on which he was radically wrong. For example, he asked me, would not the aristocracy of Ireland, some of which he mentioned, as the Earl of Ormond, concur in the attempt to establish the independence of their country? -- I answered: Most certainly not, and begged him to remember that if the attempt were made, it would be by the people, and the people only; that he should calculate on all the opposition that the Irish aristocracy could give; that the French Revolution, which had given courage to the people, had, in the same proportion, alarmed the aristocracy, who trembled for their titles and estates; that this alarm was diligently fomented by the British Minister, who had been able to persuade every man of property, that their only security was in supporting him implicitly in every measure calculated to oppose the progress of what were called French principles; that, consequently, in any system he might frame in his mind, he should lay down the utmost opposition of the aristocracy as an essential point. At the same time, I added, that, in case of a landing being effected in Ireland, their opposition would be of very little significance, as their conduct had been such as to give them no claim on the affections of the people; that their own tenants and dependants would, I was satisfied, desert them, and they would become just so many helpless individuals, devoid of power and influence – He then mentioned that the Volunteer Convention in 1783, seemed to be an example against what I now advanced; the people then had acted through their leaders. I answered they certainly had, and as their leaders had betrayed them, that very convention was one reason why the people had forever lost all confidence in what was called leaders. He then mentioned the confusion and bloodshed likely to result from a people such as I described, and he knew the Irish to be, breaking loose without proper heads to control and moderate their fury – I answered it was but too true; that I saw as well as he, that, in the first explosion, it was likely that many events would take place in their nature very shocking; that revolutions were not made without much individual suffering; that, however, in the present instance, supposing the worst, there would be a kind of retributive justice, as no body of men on earth were more tyrannical and oppressive in their nature, than those who would be most likely to suffer in the event he alluded to; that I had often in my own mind, (and God knows the fact to be so,) lamented the necessity of our situation, but that Ireland was so circumstanced, that she had no alternative but unconditional submission to England, or a revolution, with a chance of all the concomitant sufferings, and that I was one of those who preferred difficulty and danger and distress, to slavery, especially where I saw clearly there was no other means. "It is very true," replied he, "there is no making an omelette, without breaking of eggs." He still seemed, however, to have a leaning towards the co-operation of our aristocracy, which is flat nonsense. He asked me was there no one man of that body, that we could not make any use of, and again mentioned, "for example, the Earl of Ormond." I answered "not one"; that as to Lord Ormond, he was a drunken beast, without a character of any kind, but that of a blockhead; that I did believe, speaking my own private opinion as an individual, that perhaps the Duke of Leinster might join the people, if the revolution was once begun, because I had merely my own conjectures, and that, at any rate, if the beginning was once made, it would be of very little consequence what part any individual might take. I do not know how Fitzgibbon’s name happened to come in here, but he asked me would it not be possible to make something of him. Anyone who knows Ireland, will readily believe that I did not find it easy to make a serious answer to this question. Yes, Fitzgibbon would be very likely, from his situation, his principles, his hopes and his fears, his property, and the general tenor of his conduct, to begin a revolution in Ireland. At last, I believe I satisfied Clarke on the subject of the support to be expected from our aristocracy. He then asked me what I thought the revolution, if begun, would terminate in. I answered, undoubtedly, as I thought, in a Republic allied to France. He then said what security could I give, that in 20 years after our independence, we might not be found engaged as an ally of England against France? I thought the observation a very foolish one, and only answered that I could not venture to foretell what the combination of events for 20 years might produce; but that, in the present posture of affairs, there were few things which presented themselves to my view under a more improbable shape. He then came to the influence of the Catholic clergy over the minds of the people, and the apprehension that they might warp them against France. I assured him, as the fact is, that it was much more likely that France would turn the people against the clergy; that within these last few years, that is to say, since the French Revolution, an astonishing change, with regard to the influence of the priests, had taken place in Ireland. I mentioned to him the conduct of that body, pending the Catholic business, and how much and how justly they had lost character on that account. I told him the anecdote of the Pope’s legate, who is also Archbishop of Dublin, being superseded in the actual management of his own chapel, of his endeavouring to prevent a political meeting therein, and of his being forced to submit and attend the meeting himself; but, particularly, I mentioned the circumstance of the clergy excommunicating all Defenders, and even refusing the sacraments to some of the poor fellows in articulo mortis, which to a Catholic is a very serious affair, and all to no purpose. This last circumstance seemed to strike him a good deal. He then said that I was not augur anything either way, from anything that had passed on that day; that he would read and consider my memorials very attentively, but that I must see that a business of such magnitude could not be discussed in one conversation, and that the first; that I was not, however, to be discouraged because he did not at present communicate with me more openly. I answered I understood all that; that undoubtedly, on this occasion, it was my turn to speak, and his to hear, as I was not to get information, but to give it. I then fixed with him to return in six days, (on the 1st of Germinal,) and having requested him to get the original memorials, as he was perfect master of the English, and I could not answer for a translation which I had never seen, I took my leave.
I see clearly that all Clarke’s ideas on Irish politics are at least 30 years behind those of the people, and I took pains to impress him with that conviction as delicately as I could. We should, according to his theory, have two blessed auxiliaries to begin with, the noblesse and the clergy. I hope, however, I have beat him a little out of that nonsense, and, that, when he reads the memorials in cool blood, he will be satisfied of its absurdity. By-the-by, my memorials I find have never been laid before the Executive; that is bad; I trust they are now in train. When I mentioned that De la Croix had referred me to Madgett, I found, with some little surprise, that Clarke did not know Madgett. To hear the latter speak, one would suppose it impossible that could be the case. This comes of being a stranger. I must grope my way here as well as I can. Carnot has positively referred me to Clarke, and if he be as confidential as he gives me to understand, I have no reason to complain; but suppose he is not, where is my remedy? And how am I to ascertain that fact? I know nobody here, or whom I can inquire. If I rest in the hands of subalterns, I risk the success of my plans, and I act against my wishes and my judgement. If I go back to the principals, I risk the making an enemy of the subalterns, and there is no animal so mean, but has the power to do mischief. I would rather stick to Carnot, but what can I do when he had handed me over to Clarke? "Suffolk, what remedy?" At any rate, I must let things go on in the present track, until I see some open, or until I conceive myself neglected. As yet, I certainly have no reason to complain. "A pize upon thee for a wicked La'yer, Tom Clarke," I would rather deal with your master, but that can't be for the present, and so " 'Tis but in vain," &c. We will see what the first of Germinal will produce, and in the meantime, I will, as Matty says, "Let the world wag." It is unnecessary to observe that I only give the outlines of the various conversations related in these memorandums. There are a thousand collateral points, which it is impossible to detail. The general tenor of my discourse was grounded on the facts contained in my two memorials, which I endeavoured to state and support in the strongest manner I could, dwelling particularly on the Defenders, the Dissenters, the recent union between the sects, which I mentioned as a circumstance of the last importance, the probable consequences to the naval power of England, and the effects to be hoped for from the proclamations mentioned in my second memorial, which seemed to strike Clarke very forcibly; though he combated them at first, until I asked him how he would like to be an English Admiral leaving Portsmouth under the circumstances I had described; on which he submitted as became him. I do not detail all this, for in fact it would be but amplifying my memorials. One thing I must observe here; though I told Carnot that I had been with the Minister, I never told the Minister I had been with Carnot. In like manner, Clarke knows I have seen Madgett, but Madgett does not know I have ever been at the Luxembourg. There is something like duplicity in this: if there be, my situation must excuse it. I am acting to the best of my judgement, and I have not a soil to advise with. PP, PP what would I give that you were here today! Mem. Beauvilliers' Burgundy, &c.
MARCH 15, 1997: Went to breakfast with Madgett, in consequence of a note which I received from him. Madgett in high spirits; tells me everything is going on as well as possible; that our affair is before the Directory; that it is determined to give us 50,000 stand of arms, artillery for an army of that force, 672 cannoniers, and a demi-brigade, which he tells me is from 3,000 to 4,000 men; that the Minister desires my opinion in writing as to the place of landing. All this is very good and precise. I told him with that force we must land near Belfast, and push on immediately to get possession of the Fews Mountains, which cover the province of Ulster, until we could raise and arm our forces; that, if possible, a second landing should be made in the bay of Galway, which army should cover itself, as soon as possible, by the Shannon, breaking down most of the bridges, and fortifying the remainder; that we should thus begin with the command of one half of the nation, and that the most discontented part; that, as to the port of embarkation, which the Minister had also mentioned, I suggested some of the Dutch ports, first, because I believed they were less watched than the French, and next, that England having no harbour, where she could refit a fleet, to the north of Portsmouth, even if she kept a fleet in the North Seas, it must return occasionally to refit, and the expedition might take place in the interval. If, however, the Dutch ports were too strongly watched, we might go from any of the French harbours on the ocean, and coast round by the West of Ireland into the Loch of Belfast. Madgett reduced this to writing in French, and we went together to the Minister, where he delivered it to him before my eyes. Madgett tells me that Prieur de la Marne is in the secret, and has recommended and guaranteed a Capuchin friar of the name of Fitzsimons, to go to Ireland. I told Madgett I had the most violent dislike to letting any priest into the business at all. He said he did not like it either; but that Prieur de la Marne had known this man for 20 years, and would stake his life on his honesty. I do not care for all that; I will give my opinion plump against his being sent. Madgett mentioned that the fellow had some notion of a resumption of the forfeited lands. That would be a pretty measure to begin with! Besides, he has been out of the country 20 or 30 years, and knows nothing about it, and I dare say hates a Presbyterian like the devil. No! No! If I can help it, he shan't go; if I can't, why I can't. I want a military man. I must see whoever is sent, I presume, and how can I commit the safety of my friends in Ireland to a man in whom I have no confidence myself. And, indeed, I have some doubts, whether I have any right to commit the safety of any person but myself. However, the way that I answer that objection, is, that it is absolutely necessary; that I am acting by their own advice and direction, and with their concurrence; that I have not shrunk myself from any trouble, labour, or danger; that I rely very much upon their discretion to avoid all unnecessary hazard, and conduct themselves properly through this arduous business. These reasons are, with me, of sufficient weight to decide me in giving the names of five or six men in Ireland, in order that, whoever is sent, if anyone is sent by the French Government, may see them. At the same time, I give my advice that the messenger see but one of them, and leave it to him to communicate with the others. And that one shall be PP. I will put him in the post of danger and honour, though I love him like a brother. I wish Ireland to come under obligations to the said PP. And now I must observe that it is very odd, if the business be as Madgett says, before the Directory, and so far advanced, that Clarke should know nothing about it. Carnot did not appear to me yesterday to have even seen my memorials, and I rather believe that to be the case. Madgett is much more sanguine than I am, for I preserve in all this business a phlegm which is truly admirable. I have resolved never to believe that the expedition will be undertaken, 'till I see the troops on board, not that it will succeed until I have slept one night under canvass in Ireland. Ten, I shall have hopes. At present, I keep my mind under a strict regimen, and, without affectation. I think it must be an extraordinary circumstance which would much elevate or depress me. All which is truly edifying and extremely philosophical. Madgett tells me that Rewbell is the member of the Directory who is the most sanguine and earnest in support of the measure. Well! The first of Germinal, I suppose, I shall know more of the matter. Clarke, after all, must be better authority than Madgett. One thing I see, that Madgett wishes to keep me out of sight as much as possible, which is very natural, and I am sure I am not angry with him for it. Nevertheless, I will smuggle an odd visit now and then to the Luxembourg, "just to see things a little." "Wheels within wheels?" "Business, business, says I, Mr Secretary, must be done." Wise memorandums. I had like to have forgotten, I have not neglected Mr Wim Browne's (my brother Matthew's) affair. Lamare has written to Guise by this day's post, on that subject, having received no answer to a letter which he wrote on the same head about a fortnight since. I wish the said Mr Browne were her, for a vast multiplicity of reasons.
MARCH 16, 1796: Blank. Dined alone in the Champs Elysées. A most delicious walk. The French know how to be happy, or at least to be gay, better than all the world besides. The Irish come near them, but the Irish all drink more or less, (except PP who never drinks,) and the French are very sober. I live very soberly at present, having retrenched my quantity of wine one half; I fear, however, that if I had the pleasure of PP's company tomorrow, being St Patrick's day, we should, indeed, "take a sprig of watercress's with our bread." Yes! We should make a pretty sober meal of it. Oh Lord! Oh Lord!
MARCH 17, 1796: St Patrick's day. Dined alone in the Champs Elysées. Sad! Sad!
MARCH 18, 1796: Blank! Theatre in the evening.
MARCH 19, 1796: Madgett called on me this morning to tell me the Directory have resolved to give us an entire brigade, (viz. 8,000 men instead of 4,000). He told me, also, that the Minister had asked him whether I had ever been to the Directory, and that he had siad he was sure I had not. (Mem I rather believe that honesty is always the best policy in every affair, public and private; for though I am sure t was from the purest motives that I had not told Madgett of my visits to the Luxembourg, yet I felt very awkward at the question.) I answered, that, in consequence of the extreme anxiety which I felt for the success of the business, as well as in pursuance of the directions I had received to omit nothing likely to bring the state of Ireland before the French Government, I had thought it my duty to go, in person, to the Executive, and obtain, if possible, an audience; the more so, as Carnot, who is now one of the Directory, was well known by reputation in Ireland; and I was particularly charged, if possible, to find him out. Madgett seemed quite satisfied at this, and having fixed with him tomorrow, we parted.
MARCH 20, 1796:
Breakfast with Madgett. The Minister wants to know our plan of conduct, supposing the landing effected. This has been already detailed in my memorial, but it is necessary to go over the same ground again and again.
"Put it to him in other words,"
viz. the Catholic Committee is already a complete representation of that body, and the Dissenters are so prepared that they can immediately choose delegates. That those two bodies, when joined, will represent, numerically, nine-tenths of the people, and, of course, under existing circumstances, are the best Government that we can form at the moment. This Madgett reduced to writing, but I have no copy, which is of the less consequence, as the paper is only a paraphrase of part of my last memorial. Desired Madgett to explain to the Minister that my visit to the Luxembourg was in consequence of positive direction I had to communicate with Carnot, whether in or out of power; that I had the highest respect for the Minister's talents and patriotism, and, if there was any irregularity in my applying to Carnot, it was merely an error in judgement, as he must bee convinced that, circumstanced as I was, I could never dream of doing anything which might bee disagreeable to a person in his station, &c. I believe this will satisfy De la Croix; but I fancy, between friends, that Madgett, rather than the Minister, is a little piqued; for, with great sincerity, and, I am sure, an honest anxiety for the success of the measure, I can see a little desire in his mind of doing everything himself; for which, as I have already said, with a laudable magnanimity, I am not at all angry with him; nevertheless, I shall take the liberty, under the rose, to follow my own plan a little: I do not think I have made a blunder yet, unless (which I do not think) my going to Carnot, without informing the Minister, was one. Took a delightful walk in the Champs Elysée, and dined alone, as usual, at a very retired Restaurateur. I live here in Paris, absolutely like a hermit.
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