MAY 15, 1796: Went to the Directory and saw Carnot, who desired me to write a short memorial desiring leave to stay, and bring it to him tomorrow. Saw Aherne; nothing done in his business. This is bad.
MAY 16, 1796: Delivered my memorial at the Luxembourg, and received directions to apply at the Secretariat General for a permission. Lounged in the evening to the Theatre D’Emulation, one of the little theatres of the Boulevards; it was Easter Monday, and being a fete, the house was filled with the bonne mourgeoisie, all dressed out, and as gay and as happy as possible. I was agreeably surprised to find the piece was the School for Scandal, extremely well adapted to the French stage, and very well represented. It had an effect upon me which I cannot describe; I was alone, and it brought a thousand recollections into my mind. Shall I ever see the School for Scandal in an English theatre again? Well! That is the least of my grievances. The French comedians are incomparable, even in this little theatre of the Boulevards; they acted admirably, particularly Charles, Sir Oliver, and Lady Teazle; they excel in the management of their by-play, but they have one fault. In their soliloquies they always address themselves too much to the audience, with the expression as if they were telling them a secret. "The soliloquy always to the Pit; that is the rule." The civic airs were applauded with something like sincerity, a circumstance which I have not remarked for some time. On the whole I was very well amused. But how my life stagnates just now, when I have nothing to write of but the theatres of the Boulevards. Sad!
MAY 17, 1796: Blank.
MAY 18, 1796: This day I had a tift with my lover Carnot. In signing the memorial which I delivered to him, I had written my name Theobald Wolfe Tone, (dit James Smith). The permission was made out in the name of TW Tone, and of course was refused to me when I applied for it in the name of James Smith. I was, therefore, obliged, sore against my will, to apply again to Carnot, who spoke very chuff about the trouble I gave him to write a second memorandum. I was damnably vexed, and told him civilly, but dryly, that I was sorry for the mistake, but that it was not my fault. He then wrote a second note to the Secretary, so I suppose tomorrow it will be made out properly. Men in high station ought not to speak short to people who do not deserve it. I take that to be a very pretty political maxim, and so halt here for the present. I have not recovered my good humour yet.
MAY 19, 1796: I learn today that Carnot was as cross as the devil to everybody yesterday. So it seems I was not singular.
MAY 20, 1796: Received at last my permission to stay in Paris, signed, "Tompkins, Creditor," or, indeed, Carnot, President. Only think of the folly of some people. The first permission, as I saw today, was for "Le citoyen Theobald Wolfe Tone, refugié Irlandais". That was a pretty business to spread on a paper which was to be seen by Lord knows how many clerks and commis, as well at the Luxembourg as at the Municipalité. Well, it was no fault of mine, as I told Carnot yesterday, and besides there is no harm done, for the paper is cancelled; so that affair is off my hands, and I have nothing to do but divert myself, for the Government here give me no business. "Fie upon this idle life, I want work." It seems the plot, discovered by the Directory, was dreadfully sanguinary. Amongst other features, all strangers were to present themselves, in order to their being imprisoned, voluntarily, under pain of death. If the fact be so, it seems I have had, among others, a very good escape, from the prison to that "undiscovered country, from whose bourne no traveller returns". Things are better as they are, for France and for us. It is curious to observe how the enthusiasm of the Revolution is entirely abated; even the immortal victories of the army of Italy have not the smallest effect. I observe it, particularly at the spectacles, where they sing, (by order of the Executive) "les chants civiques," every night, and they are received with the utmost phlegm, and sometimes worse. Enthusiasm is a passion which will not last for six years of a war, which, however glorious beyond all historical example, has been attended with great individual suffering. I observe, too, the young men are the most disaffected part of the nation, which is caused by the dominion of the women, who are aristocrats without exception. This is very natural, and very bad. I did expect the rising generation would have been good republicans, but I cannot say that the fact has justified my apprehensions. They skulk as much as possible from the requisition, which they evade by every means in their power. To see them in Paris they are a race of wretched Sybarites, yet these very young men, when they are forced at length to join the armies, see how they fight! This is a curious paradox. I believe if the Republic were to suffer a sudden reverse, for example, if Brunswick were once more at the passes of Argonne, the old spirit of France would revive, but, as it is, there is no enthusiasm here. There is, however, a good succedaneum in a well organised Government, which, combined with the untameable courage of the armies, does the business sufficiently, as, I believe, general Beaulieu and the King of Sardinia can bear witness. It is very lucky the new Government was established before this absolute decline of public spirit. If the enthusiasm had failed before the present system was organised to supply its place, I know not what might have happened. At any rate, if the combined despots had, in that case, made any progress in France, it would only have once more roused the energy of 1792, and the two succeeding years, so that, at last, it would have come to the same thing. It is the successes of France which have abated her enthusiasm. I believe this is enough of politics for the present; I will only add, that, if I was in the place of the Directory, I would forbid the singing of all political airs at the spectacles, for a forced spirit is always a bad one.
MAY 21, 1796: This morning, on sallying out, the first thing I saw was an affiche of a vessel to sail in ten days for New York. This knocked me in the head for the whole day. I have been planning a thousand schemes. Tomorrow I will see Madgett, in order to take his opinion on one or two points. If I can do it with safety to my wife, and our dear, dear, babies, I think I will settle in France.
MAY 22, 1796: Called on Madget, and took a serious walk with him in the Thuilleries. I told him I had considered my situation maturely, and the result was, I felt a strong inclination to settle in France. That, by a rough calculation, I supposed I could command about 400 louis d’ors, with which I could do very little in America, unless I went very far back, and then I should feel myself helpless, not being enured to labour, and servants not being to be had. That I conceived property would now be very cheap in France, and, therefore, begged his advice on two points. First, whether he apprehended, as I did not, that there was any danger of a counter-revolution, by which I meant the restoration of royalty, &c; and next, whether it would be more advisable to purchase national or patrimonial property, with the small sum which I could command? Madgett replied, that, as to a counter-revolution, he did not well know what to say, more than that it was an event far from improbable. That the Government was in the most extreme distress for money; that the mandats had failed, and what should be substituted he could not pretend to guess; that the approvisionment of Paris was a work of immense difficulty, and if there once came an actual scarcity of food, it was impossible to say what might be the result from the fury of a starving and enraged populace; any one of them might take it into his head to cry Vive le Roi, and, perhaps, the whole mass adopt it; that Pitt was moving heaven, earth, and hell, to ruin the finances; that the louis was today at 10,500 francs, that things were driven now to that state that a very few days must decide whether the Government could go on or not, and that for himself, he wished he was fairly out of it. He added, that perhaps it would be better to purchase patrimonial property, and that, with the sum I mentioned, I might procure an estate of ten times the value, or £4,000. We then fixed to meet in three or four days, and, in the meantime, he is to make inquiries, and turn the matter in his thoughts. For my own part, whether it is that I am younger and more sanguine than Madgett, or less acquainted with circumstances, I have not the smallest apprehension of a counter-revolution. The present Government is one of extraordinary mildness, perhaps too much so, but, if pressed by an invincible necessity, they must, and I have no doubt will, have recourse to stronger measures. But, what decides me is the excellent spirit of the army. The mutiny among the Legion de police, which now appears to have been a ramification of Baboeuf’s plot, was quelled in an instant by the other troops, and I see today a most excellent address to the Directory, from the privates and non-commissioned officers of the 3d dragoons, who form a part of their guard. Whilst the armies continue steady, I fear nothing. I believe I can lay out the little money I can command to more advantage here than in America, supposing only the half of what Madgett says to be true, besides, I am here à portée of Ireland. I need not recite over my reasons, but, as at present advised, I think I will write an order by this vessel to my love, to convert everything possible into specie, to buy louis d’ors at the Bank of Philadelphia, and set off for Havre with our family in the first ship that sails. Good God! How happy shall I be if I can fix them in a comfortable cottage in France. For my schemes of ambition I am almost worn out of hope; I act now without expectation, and merely that I may say that nothing on my part has been left untried or undone. If there comes a peace, and I settle here, it will be but a step for PP to come visit us, and to be sure we will not make him welcome, and there is no wine in France, &c. I feel my ancient propensities revive a little.
MAY 23,24,25,26, 1796: After balancing, for four or five days, and turning the matter every way in my thoughts, I have taken my resolution, and written this day to my dearest love, to Rowan, and Doctor Reynolds, acquainting the, with my determination to settle in France, and desiring them to make preparations for the departure of my family with all possible haste. It is a bold measure, but "Audaces fortuna juvat". If my negotiation here succeeds, it will be best they should be in France; if it fails, still I am satisfied it is more advisable for us to settle here than in America. At all events, the die is cast. It is an epoch in my life. I have decided to the best of my judgement, and, if I fail, I fail. I am weary of floating about at the mercy of events; let me fix myself, if possible, at last.
MAY 27, 1796: Paris has been in a sort of smothered fermentation for several days, and I suppose a very few must bring it to a crisis. Within a fortnight, all the assignants will be called in and exchanged against their value in mandats, which, in other words, is changing at once the whole currency. The small assignats of 100 francs, and under, will be allowed to circulate for the conveniency of the poor. A hundred livres in assignats are worth today about twopence-half-penny; their nominal value is £4 3s 4d. That is a pretty reasonable depreciation. For my part, who am neither financier nor agioteur, I do not pretend to understand the question, but I can clearly see it is no ordinary matter to annul, at one blow, the entire currency of a nation, and substitute another in its place, yet it has been done once already in the case of the assignats, which superseded gold and silver, as the mandats will, I have no doubt, supersede the assignats. Something or other must be done, or the finances here will tumble. I hope the Government will have firmness. They seem lately to have been assuming a higher tone, and I am glad of it, for I sometimes could not help thinking of King Log, when I saw them insulted with impunity. If they stand bold, the enemies of the Republic will be put down, but if they go back one step, or even fluctuate, in my mind, they are lost. It is certainly a most critical period. If the Government holds out till the 1st Messidor, which is now three weeks off, and if their new scheme of finance succeeds, to ascertain which nothing seems wanting but firmness on their part, the Republic will be established for ever. As it is, "we are walking on embers, covered with unfaithful dust". Courage! A few days will settle the business, and I doubt not, for my part, prosperously. Vive la Republique! Yesterday I had a visit from the Commissaire de Police of my section, by order of the Bureau Central de Paris, in order to bring me before my betters for remaining in town contrary to the law of the 21st Floréal, concerning strangers. However, "I jumped suddenly upon him and deprived him of the use of his weapon," by producing my permission to remain, signed Carnot, and countersigned Lagarde, Secretary, on which he begged my pardon, dressed a procè verbal of the business, which I signed, and so we parted, the best friends in the world. This visit is owing to some blunder in the Bureau Central, where I went the day after I received my permission, to have it viewed by the proper officer, who omitted, I suppose, to make the proper entry. I am glad to find the Government serious in compelling the strangers to leave Paris; they are a pest to France, speculating in her funds and ruining her currency. I am told there is an exception in favour of Americans. If I was the Government, I would not suffer one of them to remain, for whom the Ambassador would not engage personally, because of the multitude of English agents and spies, who all pass here for Americans.
MAY 28, 29, 1796: Went to the fete des victoires, which was celebrated today in the Champs de mars. The Directory, the Ministers, the Corps Diplomatique, &c, all assisted, in grand costume. Incense was burning before the statue of liberty, and the usual civic hymns were chanted, with two or three new ones, composed for the occasion, and alluding to the success of the army of Italy. It was a superb spectacle, and the spirit of the people seemed much better than I expected, under all the circumstances of the case. There were about 6,000 troops under arms, divided into 14 battalions, representing the 14 armies of the Republic, each of whom received from the hands of Carnot, the President, a standard and a garland of oak, the emblem of victory, which was borne by the handsomest grenadier of the corps. The troops made a very fine appearance, all young healthy men, fit for active service. I was placed at the foot of the altar, in the middle of my brethren of the corps diplomatique, but, for particular reasons, I chose to remain incognito. Altogether, I was exceedingly pleased with the exhibition, and the tears were running down my cheeks when Carnot presented the wreath and standards to the soldiers. It was a spectacle worthy of a grand Republic, and I enjoyed it with transport. Vive la Republique!
JUNE 4, 5, 1796:
A French lover of mine, M Dugas, took me today to Versailles in his cabriolet. It is a pleasant drive of 12 miles from Paris, the environs of which, are certainly before those of London, but far inferior to those of Dublin, which are beautiful beyond description, owing to the two great features of the sea and the Wicklow Mountains. The chateau of Versailles is truly magnificent, and the gardens of a vast extent, but of a most tiresome uniformity; all in the old school, and systems of terraces. It is a detestable style. There are some admirable paintings yet remaining, particularly one of Charles I, of England, by Vandyck, which has been engraved by Strange, and one of Charles XII, of Sweden, which is a striking resemblance of Lord Landaff. All the furniture has been removed or sold, excepting a most magnificent cabinet, which belonged to Marie Antoinette, and in which she kept her jewels. Nothing can exceed the extravagant flattery displayed in the ceilings, which are all painted in allegories, alluding to the different events in the reign of Lewis XIV, who is represented in them, one time as Hercules, another as Mars, and again as Jupiter; what makes it still better is, that all these paintings were executed by his order. I was particularly struck with one, where there is a group of four figures, Louis XIV, his brother Orleans, the Grand Conde, and Turenne, certainly not ordinary men. Portraits of illustrious characters are the kind of painting which I like best. There is also a good portrait of Mme de Maintenon. It would take a week to examine the palace and gardens, and I did not remain much above an hour. I saw, however, enough to satisfy me that the King of France was magnificently lodged, but, for my part, I should die of the spleen in a week, if I were confined to the chateau de Versailles. It is the same with all the palaces I have ever seen, which are not many. Hampton Court in England is magnificent, but it would be lost in Versailles. From the chateau we walked to Trianon, which is about half a mile distant. The pavilion is beautiful, viz: the outside, which is all I saw, being all built of coloured marble. The gardens are like those of Versailles, equally monotonous, but less extensive. It is an abominable style. WE then went to the Petit Trainon, the favourite retreat of Antoinette. It is a most delicious spot, completely finished in the English style. After the dreary regularity of the two other gardens, I was enchanted, and even the French acknowledged the infinite superiority of taste manifested in laying out the grounds. Trainon would be beautiful in England, but in France it is like fairy ground. There have been some pretty frolics executed here. I could not help making many profound reflections whilst I walked through it,
"de vanitate mundi et fuga saeculi". I do not wonder the Queen regretted to fall from the station she once held. Altogether it made me melancholy.
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