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By Mick McCaughan
Two different worlds co-exist uncomfortably in Venezuela and occasionally come to blows. One corner of the ring is occupied by a tight-knit group of overlapping accomplices: wealthy businesspeople, church hierarchy, foreign investors, traditional political parties, landowners and corporate media. They are dressed to kill and they will do just that to defend their pampered lifestyles. This group enjoys wealth, privilege and visibility, with decisive control over local and international media. In the opposite corner lies a disparate, more numerous but largely invisible sector of society, including shantytown dwellers, informal traders, small business owners and landless farmers.
Since December 1998 the fight has favoured the latter group, thanks to the radical leadership of president Hugo Chavez. But this April the worm turned as vested interests staged a failed coup which attempted to place business mogul Pedro Carmona at the country's helm. Carmona now lives in exile in Colombia, but these are tough times for Chavez as he races against the clock to improve living standards before the oligarchy can regroup and obstruct his rule.
One major resource, oil, distinguishes Venezuela from neighbouring countries. Oil wealth has created a 'rancid oligarchy' which lives a fairytale lifestyle, enjoying wealth without limits or responsibility. Venezuela is the US's second-largest supplier of oil, making the supplier into a US 'national security' priority. The role of democracy in Venezuela has traditionally been to safeguard the privileges of the oily elite, while the army backs up the ritual of the ballot with the certainty of the bullet, a last resort should democratic shifts put the established order at risk. The rise and rise of Hugo Chavez, a charismatic ex-paratrooper, threw a hand grenade into this predictable political mix. If Chavez had been a mere politician the oligarchy could have ousted him long ago, a minor irritant easily removed by the armed forces. But Chavez is a military man with two decades in the barracks which saw him posted all over the country, building alliances among all ranks.
Venezuela's ruling parties, Democratic Action (AD) and the Christian democratic COPEI, had ruled pitifully for 40 years, despised by citizens for squandering billions of oil dollars. When Chavez launched a military rebellion in 1992 the country applauded and made him a national hero. Like the executed martyrs of the Easter Rising in 1916, 'a terrible beauty was born', as Chavez became a byword for popular resistance to the corrupt political establishment. Here was a man who risked his life to denounce corruption and, unlike politicians, took full responsibility for his errors.
Chavez spent two years in prison but was released and given amnesty by then president Rafael Caldera, who won the 1994 election largely on the promise of freeing Chavez and other imprisoned coup leaders. Once he regained his freedom Chavez began organising a popular movement, the Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement (MBR), a loose alliance of activists inspired by the promise of a social revolution.
On December 6th 1998 Chavez swept into power, winning 56% of votes cast. A 'peaceful, democratic revolution' was his goal, a new Constitution his weapon. The two traditional political parties were consigned to the rubbish bin of history as their combined popular support fell to just five per cent. Chavez ordered the armed forces out of the barracks to help rebuild the nation, constructing schools and hospitals, distributing food and medicines. The military were given the right to vote but were expressly forbidden from engaging in 'party political activism' or any form of public protest.
The traditional powers saw red, literally, accusing Chavez of imposing a communist revolution by stealth. His close friendship with Fidel Castro and his admiration for the Cuban revolution confirmed their fears. The new constitution placed the welfare of the poor above the right to make profit, a terrifying hint that the oligarchy's days were numbered. The final straw came when Chavez approved 49 laws last year, including the right to expropriate idle lands, the right to elect union delegates in factory assemblies and the 'law of urban lands' granting titles to urban squatters.
I visited a barrio called Los Chapellines where 30,000 people were about to obtain their property titles after nearly half a century wait. The mood was euphoric as dogs, children, bikers, the elderly, priests, teenagers, the entire community celebrated their victory. There were no other journalists there as national and international media have focused entirely on the oligarchy's efforts to oust Chavez. The media chase one rumour after another, ignoring the remarkable projects that are changing the face of the country.
President Chavez is creating a new form of citizenship within a participatory democratic system, conferring rights and duties that would reduce class distinctions. His reforms affect all the key dominant groups: the business class face taxes to finance social spending; the press face a new 'law of reply', by which offended citizens can demand redress for alleged libel. The church, which enjoys hegemony over education, faces a new education plan which makes it illegal to charge school fees. A new type of 'Bolivarian' school, non-denominational, offers three meals a day for poor children who would otherwise stay at home. Chavez has also outlawed discrimination against immigrants, granting the same right to free education to Peruvian and Colombian immigrant children.
The failed April coup forced Chavez to strengthen his security, cutting down on his frequent visits to neighbourhoods. Anti-aircraft missiles have been installed at strategic points to avoid aerial attack on government buildings. 'This time we're ready' he said, leaving no doubt that his government will crush any further attempt at a violent overthrow.