Seán Keenan memorial to 60 years of service

500 attend Bogside unveiling

AT a ceremony in Derry’s Bogside on October 5, a memorial was unveiled to the late Republican Veteran Seán Keenan (1914-1993). Led by a ten-person colour party and the Dr Arthurs Accordion band from North Antrim over 300 people marched from Celtic Park in Derry to St Columb's Well under Derry's walls, where a large crowd awaited.

Cathaoirleach Mary Ward reminded the attendance that Seán Keenan had warned at the time of the Sunningdale Agreement in 1973 that the people were being sold out by constitutional nationalists. To applause she said that Seánhad not lived to see the Stormont Agreement when the people were sold out by former Republicans.

The unveiling of the eight-foot Celtic Cross with inscriptions in Irish and English was performed by Seán Keenan’s two daughters, Róisín and Nora and by Michael McGonigle, Dungiven. The impressive memorial faces Free Derry Corner.

The Rosary was recited by Margaret Dobbin, Carnlough and the 1916 Proclamation was read by Veronica Taylor, Derry.

Wreaths were laid by Róisín and Nora Keenan on behalf of the family and by Éilís Hilling, Belfast on behalf of the Republican Movement.

The Derry Roll of Honour of Republicans killed by British Crwon Forces was read. During the course of his oration Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President of Republican Sinn Féin said they were proud that the parade to unveil the Seán Keenan Memorial had no permit from the British government whose forces killed so many of the people on the Co Derry Roll of Honour.

"This memorial will stand as an eternal reproach to all who would postpone for a day,m a month or a year thje final dawning of Irish freedom," he said.

He went on:
"It is with great humility we stand at the unveiling of a memorial in Derry’s Bogside to Seán Keenan who gave 60 years service to the All-Ireland Republic. Fifteen of those years were spent in three periods of internment without trial, on the prison-ships Al Rawdah and Maidstone, in Derry and Belfast jails and in the notorious Long Kesh Internment Camp.

"A dedicated revolutionary all his life, Seán Keenan’s story is typical of nationalist Derry and of Ireland. Imprisoned without ever standing in a court and unemployed for periods, he was forced to emigrate to England to find work and support his young family. Even there he continued his work with the Republican Movement.

"Jailed first in 1935 for carrying the Irish flag at an election meeting, he became a leader of the internees in 1938-45, in 1956-61 and in the early 1970s. A Gaelic footballer who later served as a referee, and a fluent Irish speaker he organised and conducted choirs among the prisoners with great success.

"It was natural that he should be to the fore in the Civil Rights movement in his native Derry and when the Derry Citizens’ Defence Association was set up in 1969 he became its Chair.

"It erected barricades, mounted patrols, provided first-aid and countered CS gas attacks. Later it took control of administration and security behind the barricades of what became known to the world as "Free Derry".

"During this time of struggle and turmoil he worked closely with his friend Dáithí Ó Conaill, then based in Co Donegal. His wife, Nancy Ward, a member of Cumann na mBan and an internee in Armagh Jail in the early 1940s, died before her time in 1970. His son Colm was shot dead by British troops while he was engaged in an armed IRA patrol in Free Derry along with Vol Eugene McGillan.

"Seán Keenan rejected the constitutional attempts in 1969-70 of what became the Workers’ Party to accept Westminster, Stormont and Leinster House. Always a revolutionary, he spurned a similar move when it was made by the Provisionals in 1986. "Always follow the Cause and not the person," he used to say. In the late 1980s he was made Honorary Vice-President for life of Republican Sinn Féin in recognition of his steadfastness, service and sacrifice over so many years.

"In 1989 his nomination papers for the local elections in the Six Counties, along with those of 22 other Republican Sinn Féin candidates, were refused by the British authorities because they would not sign the political test oath imposed by the Thatcher régime. Seán Keenan and Veronica Taylor tore up their undemocratically rejected nomination papers in public.

"As a man Seán was unfailingly good-humoured, a quality essential to the committed revolutionary. His friends in Connacht, where he spent some time organising, fondly remember his conducting of impromptu choral singing in Irish and English after public functions.

"Personally it was my honour to serve with him on three continents when he went abroad as an ambassador of goodwill for the Republican Movement. Seán with his impeccable credentials was most impressive in meetings with liberation movements from all over the world.

"His father, Séamus -- Quartermaster of Derry City Battalion, IRA -- died shortly after release from imprisonment in 1942. His brothers Terry and Dan were interned with him during that period.

"Seán Keenan fought against British rule, Stormont and the Unionist Veto on Irish National independence all his life. He struggled for human rights, democracy, the emancipation of the working people and community rights. He would not now throw the whole of his life’s work and sacrifice into reverse by accepting the Stormont Agreement of 1998.

"In particular he would not entertain the exposure of weapons’ dumps to the British government. Neither would he recognise a "new look" colonial police force in Ireland.

"A force recruited, trained, motivated, armed and directed by the English government is a British police force, he would maintain.

"Such a body can only uphold British rule in Ireland, and young Irish people should not join it, thereby committing themselves to "doing England’s dirty work" here.

"Bhí Seán ar dhuine de bhunaitheoirí Craobh Sheáin Uí Dhólaín de Chonnradh na Gaeilge i nDoire i 1947. Comrádaí príosúin leis dob ea Seán Ó Doláin.

"Seán Keenan was intensely proud of the fact that his native Derry won the prestigious Glór na nGael competition in 1993. He was present in the Guildhall, a fortnight before his death, when the award was made. This was his last public appearance after 60 years of work for the people.

"Young people today should model their lives on Seán Keenan’s unselfish example. He sought nothing for himself and everything for others. An uncompromising stand, like that of Seán Keenan, is essential to achieve an end to English rule and a new and better Ireland with power and control over their lives for all sections of people," Ruairí Ó Brádaigh concluded.
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How did Wolfe Tone die?

THIS question, how did Wolfe Tone die, is 202 years old this month. Wolfe Tone died on November 19, 1798 in the Provost’s prison, Arbour Hill, Dublin.

In a recent RTÉ quiz programme called Who wants to be a millionaire? the correct answer to this question was given as "by suicide". The people who compile questions for this programme should really be more careful, as in this instance we have no definitive answer.

It is instructive to review the facts surrounding Tone’s death, insofar as we know them.

General Loftus presided over the court-martial which tried Tone on Saturday, November 10, 1798. Tone was found guilty of acting traitorously against the King. He told the court:

"I admit the facts alleged, and only request leave to read an address which I have prepared for the occasion."

He was interrupted several times by General Loftus as he addressed the court. He admitted the facts, "that I have been found in arms against the soldiers of the King in my native country". He denied however that this was treason. He explained:

"From my earliest youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland and Great Britain as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt convinced that, whilst it lasted, this country could never by free nor happy."

He said he had determined to use all his efforts to separate the two countries; because Ireland could not achieve her freedom alone he had sought help wherever he could get it. He offered no apologies, but he did pay tribute to the Catholics of Ireland:

"When the friends of my youth swarmed off to leave me alone, the Catholics did not desert me. They had the virtue even to sacrifice their own interests to a rigid principle of honour."

He then made one request:
"I ask that the court should adjudge me the death of a soldier, and let me be shot by a platoon of grenadiers." This request was refused.

The Lord Lieutenant, Lord Cornwallis, ordered that he be publicly hanged within 48 hours. The execution was fixed for 1pm on Monday, outside the ‘New Prison’, now Green Street Courthouse, where the Special Criminal Court sits.

Tone was an educated man, a graduate of Trinity College, Dublin and a lawyer. But, as he told the court, the friends of his youth had deserted him. People were frightened, or cowed or ashamed to speak on his behalf.

But one man did act. This was a noted barrister called John Philpot Curran. As soon as the civil courts opened on Monday morning, Curran entered the Court of King’s Bench and moved for a writ of habeas corpus. The court was presided over by Lord Kilwarden, Chief Justice of Ireland.

Now Kilwarden was one of the Wolfes of Clane, Co Kildare. They owned the Tone lands and Theobald was given his second name ‘Wolfe’ from this family. Kilwarden had a certain reputation for fairness and he heard the application himself. In the circumstances of the time another judge might have made himself conveniently unavailable.

Curran argued his case. He did not maintain that Tone was not guilty of the charges, but he submitted that the trial by court-martial was out of order as the normal civil courts were functioning. Martial law and civil law were incompatible; if the civil courts were functioning then the courts-martial must cease, except where the accused had a commission under the King.

Curran continued:
"This is not, however, the time for arguing this momentous question. My client must appear in this court. He is cast for death this very day. He may be ordered for execution whilst I address you. I call on the court to support the law, and move for a habeas corpus, to be directed to the Provost-Marshal of the barracks of Dublin, and Major Sandys, to bring us the body of Tone." (Habeas corpus is Latin and means literally "You shall have the body". It is defined as a writ that may be issued to bring a party before a court or judge, having as its function the release of a party from unlawful restraint.)

Kilwarden was of opinion that Curran had made a good case. "Have a writ instantly prepared," he ordered.

"My client may die whilst the writ is preparing," said Curran. The judge then moved with haste. He ordered:
"Mr Sheriff, proceed to the barracks and acquaint the Provost-Marshal that a writ is preparing to suspend Mr Tone’s execution, and see that he be not executed."

The Sheriff, followed by Theobald’s aged father, Peter Tone, went to the prison and served the notice and writ on the military commander, General Craig. Craig refused to accept them.

The Sheriff returned to the court and declared:
"My Lord, I have been to the barracks in pursuance of your order. The Provost-Marshal says he must obey Major Sandys. Major Sandys says he must obey Lord Cornwallis."

The Chief Justice was not pleased. He thundered from the bench:
"Mr Sheriff, take the body of Tone into custody, take the Provost-General and Major Sandys into custody, and show the order of the court to General Craig."

The Sheriff hastened back to the barracks, where he was refused admittance. He was told the prisoner had attempted suicide by cutting his throat and was too ill to be moved.

When the Sheriff returned to the court and related this the Lord Chief Justice issued a further order:
"Mr Sheriff, take an order to suspend the execution."

Tone died of his wound one week later on November 19, 1798. Nobody had been allowed to see him except his guards and the military surgeon, a French royalist called Benjamin Lentaigne who dressed the wound. No coroner’s inquest was held.

So the only account we have of Tone’s last days and hours comes from his jailers. According to them he had been found in a pool of blood by a sentry at 4am on Monday morning. Their account of the instrument allegedly used by Tone varied from razor, to penknife, to the glass of a watch.

Why then was the Sheriff not acquainted of this "attempted suicide" on his first visit to the prison? This story of the "self-inflicted" wound was revealed only when the Sheriff produced an order for the arrest of the Provost-Marshal and Major Sandys.

The State papers record a letter from the Lord Chancellor to London, dated November 15 in which he wrote:
"We have got into a little scrape by bringing up Mr Tone for trial to Dublin, sitting by the side of the King’s Bench. We shall probably get out of it by the death of Mr Tone, who was suffered to cut his throat on the day appointed for his execution, and if the vagabond should not die of his wounds, we may get out of it if His Majesty’s Attorney-General will act as he has been advised to proceed."

The Attorney-General was preparing to "legalise" the proceedings by bringing in a law which would give courts martial jurisdiction in civil cases of treason. When Tone died this was unnecessary.

In the light of these facts, who can say definitively and conclusively that Wolfe Tone committed suicide?

What is important about Tone is his life’s work for the emancipation of the Irish people. His good name and reputation will live after his detractors have been forgotten.
-- Seán Ó Brádaigh
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